Tag Archives: Puritans

The Apocalypse. . . Puritan-style

So presumably if you are reading this blog post, you were not one of the Chosen to be raptured away before the time of tribulations begins. (This is unless the ethereal plane has WiFi.) Yes, the prediction made by Harold Camping, 89-year-old civil engineer-turned-radio evangelist, has gone the way of so many other apocalyptic predictions.

According to an article in the New York Times, Camping confessed to being “flabbergasted” that May 21st came and went without some eschatological event: “I was truly wondering what is going on. In my mind, I went back through all of the promises God has made, all of the proofs, all of the signs and everything was fitting perfectly, so what in the world happened? I really was praying and praying and praying, oh Lord, what happened?”

Yet, like many other prophets of the End of Days, Camping has revised his predictions in light of the fact that we are all still here. As Camping now tells it, May 21st was an “invisible Judgement Day” (I guess you needed special 3-D Revelations glasses to see it) and that all the horrific events of the Apocalypse will now happen on Oct0ber 21st.  If you find this to be a confusing bit of illogical gymnastics, consider Camping’s method for arriving at the May 21st date. In his piece for Salon.com, David S. Renyolds summarizes succinctly Camping’s numerological calculations (he’s an engineer after all).  From what I can glean, part of Camping’s “Bible-based math” involves multiplying a set of arbitrary numbers to arrive at 722,500, supposedly the number of days between the Crucifixion and the Rapture.

 (Here’s Letterman’s Top 10 Camping excuses for why the world didn’t end.)

All of this talk of eschatology, the branch of Christian theology devoted to understanding the end of the world, over the past few days has prompted me to write this post about the most prominent apocalyptic sect of Christians in England during the 17th-century, the Fifth Monarchists. Dating from the early 1640s, the Fifth Monarchists (FMs), a.k.a. the Fifth Monarchy Men, based their belief that they were living through the end of times on Daniel 2:44: “And in the days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed: and the kingdom shall not be left to other people, [but] it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever.” Here’s how their interpretation went: the Kingdom of Christ would come after the fall of four other earthly kingdoms, each representing one of the four horns of the Beast described in Revelations. The FMs identified the other four kingdoms as the Persian, Greek, Egyptian, and Roman – now Roman meant for them the Roman Catholic Church, of which they saw the Anglican Church as part. Their eschatological belief informed how they understood the monumental upheaval of the English Civil War (ECW). For them, the Parliamentary forces in seeking to overthrow Charles I were actually participating in apocalyptic events. That is, the defeat of the King would bring about a new age, or millennium, which, for some, included Christ’s Second Coming. (This is what historians mean when they refer to Puritan millenarian beliefs.)

Before continuing on to explain how the FMs had to revise their apocalyptic predictions, I should contextualize this sect within the religious turbulence of 1640s/1650s England. Part of the motivation for the ECW was religious. As I mentioned in earlier posts, the Puritans wished to abolish the episcopacy, partly because they saw it as a leftover from the Catholic Church and also due to their desire for religious freedom. Once the Puritans essentially did get rid of the college of bishops, the floodgates were open for many different sects, or cults depending on your view, of Christianity to practice freely. Such groups as the Ranters, so called for their tendency to break out into spontaneous preaching; the Quakers, a derogatory term referring to the group’s habit of “quaking” during their services; and the Seekers, those who believed God’s will trumped human law and sought it through prayer, emerged into prominence. (Thomas Edwards actually published a tract, Gangreana [1646], cataloguing all of the different sects that sprung up during this period. Edwards’ thesis is that these sects were the result of the confusion of the war.)

So back to the FMs. So how did they deal with the fact that Christ’s kingdom didn’t follow the beheading of Charles I? Well, they went back and reinterpreted the Bible to see where they went wrong. And surprise, surprise, they found “new” evidence that they had overlooked before.  In Daniel 7: 2-8 there is described a little horn growing out of the fourth. This “little horn” turned out to be none other than Oliver Cromwell. (While prominent FMs, like John Simpsons and John Rogers, would denounce the Lord Protector, it was Anna Trapnell, a prophetess who gained notoriety during the 1640s/50s, who first identified Cromwell as the “little horn.”) Andrew Marvell derides the FMs denunciation of Cromwell in his poem “The First Anniversary.” Marvell describes how the FMs are waiting for Cromwell’s reign to crumble so that their “new king the fifth scepter might shake.”(ln. 263) (Interestingly, Marvell equates the tendency of members of these radical Christian sects to “fall” during their services to the Prophet Mahomet’s epilepsy, saying that Simpson would read volumes into his “sacred foam.”)

Incredibly, Cromwell showed a remarkable, for him at least, amount of tolerance towards the FMs. He did include 12 FMs in his “Bare Bones” Parliament. Also, Cromwell partly shared their millenarian beliefs. For example, Cromwell initiated actions during the Interregnum to allow Jews to be legally permitted back into England. (They had been expelled formally in 1290 under Edward I.) Cromwell, however, did so due to the belief that the conversion of the Jews would be one of the events that would lead to the end of days. In this way, Cromwell anticipated the support for the country of Israel by some modern day Christian sects who likewise see the conversion of the Jews as part of the Apocalypse.

So to wrap things up for this week, we can see Harold Camping as participating in the long line of eschatological prophets who have overlooked one of the most important passages in the Bible: “No one knows about that day or hour, not even the angels in Heaven, nor the Son, but only the Father.” (Matthew 24:36)

Works Referred to

Bennet, Martyn. The Civil Wars in Britain and Ireland: 1638-1651 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997)

The Cambridge Companion to Writing the English Revolution. ed. N.H.Keeble (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001)

Purkiss, Diane. The English Civil War: Papists, Gentlewomen, Soldiers, and Witchfinders in the Birth of Modern Britain (New York: Basic Books, 2006)

Fraser, Antonia. Cromwell. (New York: Grover Press, 1973)

Let’s go a-Maying with Robert Herrick

I love May! April may be the “crulest month of the year” (Thank you, Mr. Eliot), but May rocks. May is the month of outdoor festivals, corn dogs, funnel cake, and gin-and-tonics. I say good-bye to my students, turn in my grades, and go sit out on the porch of some bar. I love May! I start thinking again about planting herbs and tomatoes but never actually follow through with it. Living in Kansas, I am always hoping for a truly epic late afternoon thunderstorm. May is about grilling! Forget the hot dogs. I marinade meats for days in sauces that I looked up on epicurious.com. (Tuesday night’s dinner was pork kebabs in a molasses-serrano chile marinade.)

So diving back down into and swmming through all of my books in storage, I tried to find something that would speak to my May craze. I came across my copy of the Norton Anthony of English Literature: 16th Century and early 17th Century.  So paging through it, I thought I’d dedicated this post to another May-enthusiast, Robert Herrick.

Most people remember him for his carpe diem poem, “To the Virgins, to Make Much of Time.” (Here’s the most famous reading of the poem from Dead Poets Society BTW, Keating gives a complete misreading of it.) Despite being an Anglican priest, he wrote about giving up drinking and then falling back off the wagon (“His Farewell to Sack,” “The Welcome to Sack”), gawking at a woman from behind (“Upon Julia’s Clothes”), and wet dreams (“The Vine”).  However, his poem that is most on my mind right now is “Corinna’s Gone A-Maying.”  What Herrick describes is not a group of children dancing around the Maypole.

Herrick writes about something more akin to Burning Man.

 Rather Herrick depicts a pagan fertility rite, so to speak. The poem opens with the speaker telling Corinna to wake less she miss the May Day festivities. Herrick goes on to recount a world in which the line between nature and civilization is blurred: Corinna should forget finding jewels for her gown or hair since the forest will deck her out in leaves (lines 17-20); the fields will turn into streets and streets into parks (line 30); and branches of trees will decorate every porch.  Just as Corinna’s village appears to return to a more natural state, so do the inhabitants.

     Many a green gown has been given,

    Many a kiss, both odd and even;

    Many a glance, too, has been sent

    From out the eye, love’s firmament;

Many a jest told of the keys betraying

This night, and locks picked; yet we’re not a-Maying.

Corrina gets her green dress from rolling in grass amorously with a young lover. “Odds and evens” was a kissing game, kind of like blind man’s bluff or our modern equivalent of spin-the-bottle. The “keys betraying locks” suggest people sneaking into each other’s rooms at night. So when the speaker urges Corinna to come out and “go a-Maying,” he is really expressing his own impatience to join in this orgiastic festival.

Don’t think that the poem was simply just about a priest getting a young girl out for quicky to celebrate May. You have to understand that Herrick was living through an incredibly turbulent period in English history. He was a cavalier, a person who drank, had random sex, led a hedonistic life, and wrote poetry celebrating all of it.

 However, being a cavalier was a political choice in a way. In the first few decades of the 16th century, the Puritans were gaining more power. Now, as I mentioned in an earlier post, the Puritans wanted to purify the English Church, hence get rid of anything that was not strictly mentioned in the Bible. While they had their sights mostly on the institution of bishops, there were other parts of English culture they wanted to get rid of, particularly the May festivals. (The May Festivals had been a significant aspect of English village culture. In 1617, James I’s government issued the Declaration of Sports, that listed May games as the activities that were permitted on Holy Days. His son Charles I reissued it in 1633. Some saw it as a way for Charles to gain control over those Puritan preachers, who resisted his attempts to stress uniformity within the Anglican Church.)Parliament, mainly controlled by the Puritan factions, actually banned May festivals and Christmas in 1644. Yes, the Puritans cancelled Christmas!

     

 (Their primary reasoning was two-fold: Christmas has the word “mass” in it [hence, Catholic] and it really is not in the Bible but is pagan at its roots, which it is.) Okay, back to Herrick. Well, in writing a poem celebrating a pagan fertility rite, especially what was endorsed by the Episcopal Church, Herrick was participating in a larger social, political, religious fight. Who knew that drinking and living a lascivious life could be so meaningful?

400 Years of the King James Bible. . . and still wrestling with the relationship between State and Church

Yesterday, May 2nd, 2011, saw the 400th anniversary of arguably the most influential piece of literature in the English canon, the King James Bible (KJB). In USA Today Henry G. Brinton, the pastor of Fairfax Presbyterian Church in Virginia and author of Balancing Acts: Obligations, Liberation, and Contemporary Christian Conflicts(2006), wrote a fascinating piece entitled “America, the biblical.” Brinton complicates the question of whether the U.S. is a Christian nation or not.  While noting that none of our founding documents actually reference God or Christ/Jesus, Brinton reminds us that much of our political rhetoric draws on the KJB: “But our use of the King James Version has made us a biblical nation, and we will be such a country as long as we turn to this book for inspiration and guidance.” In being a “biblical nation,” according to Brinton,  many of our defining political speeches, from Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address to President Obama’s reference to being our “brother’s keeper,” have been inspired by the language of the KJB.   Brinton further remarks on how that in being a “biblical nation” the U.S. is decidedly not a Christian nation.  (I particularly enjoyed his pointing out that only 3 of the 10 Commandments would be applicable to civil law – “thou shall not kill,” “thou shall not steal,” and “thou shall not bear false witness” – while one would be utterly unenforceable – “thou shall honor thy mother and father” – and one would actually be unconstitutional – “thou shall have no other gods before me.”) In a way, Brinton touches on a central tension out which was born the KJB, that between politics and religion.

                The KJB comes out of period in English history marked by great religious/political contention. Adam Nicolson does a superb job in chronicling the production of the KJB in God’s Secretaries: The Making of the King James Bible (2003). For Nicolson the KJB was meant primarily to unite an increasingly polarized kingdom. In 1603 James VI of Scotland became James I of England, ascending the throne of a nation caught up in religious conflict.

 Essentially, the English religious views could be broken down into three camps: the Anglicans, Puritans/Non-Conformists/Congregationalists, and the recusant English Catholics. James I’s ascension brought with it a sense that a new era was about to begin. Those who felt that the English Church had not gone far enough in reforming itself from the Roman Catholic Church saw an opportunity to call for the changes to the state church they longed for. This group that further wished to purify the Anglican Church, hence the name Puritans, finally on January 1st, 1603 got an audience with the King. At this meeting, James brought together voices from the Anglican and Puritan camps to hear their sides. Essentially, the Puritans, represented by John Reynolds, John Knewstub, and Laurence Chaderton, asked for two changes: 1) a dismantling of the episcopacy and 2) a new translation of the Bible. These two requests were actually intertwined: the Puritan thinking was that more accurate translation of the Bible would reveal that the institution of bishops was not biblically sanctioned. What these petitioners failed to realize was that James saw the episcopacy as vital to maintaining the monarchy:  the dismantling of the episcopacy would mean a decentralizing of the English Church.  Ironically, James would comply with the Puritan wish for a new translation of the Bible, but in such a way that would run contrary to their intended goal of greater religious freedom.  As Nicolson succinctly sums up James’ reaction to Reynold’s request:

Reynolds had wanted, when all the code was stripped away, a strict Puritan Bible, non-episcopal, the naked work of God, truly transmitted. And to that request James had said in effect, “Yes; I will give you the very opposite of what you ask.” (60)

The KJB, from beginning to end, was a state produced text, “a translation that was to be uniform. . . to be revised by the bishops. . . then given, for goodness’ sake, to the Privy Council, in effect a central censorship committee with which the government would ensure that its stamp was on the text” (Nicolson 60). Where the Puritans hoped for greater religious freedom through being allowed to have a new translation of the Bible, James I saw to it that the new translation would be entirely within the state’s purview by handing the project over to the bishops. The KJB was intended to strengthen the state’s control over religion.  

                  It should be noted here that the KJB translators were not starting from scratch. Far from it. There had been a tradition of translating the Bible into English. One of the earliest attempts at translating parts of the Bible into English dates back to the early part of the 11th century. Ælfric, who served as Abbot of Eynsham from 1005 to his death, translated the Old Testament into English. Here’s an excerpt of Ælfric’s translation of Genesis 3:1-3:

Éac swelċe sēo nǣdre wæs ġeappre þonne ealle þa ođre nietenu þe God ġeworhte ofer eorđan; and sēo nǣdre cwæđ to þam wife: “Hwy forbead God eow þaet ge ne ǣten of ælcum treowe binnan Paradisum?” (Yes, this is English, only a very old form of it.)

Here’s the KJB version of the same verse:

Now the serpent was more subtil than any beast of the field which the Lord God had made. And he said unto the woman, Yea, hath God said, Ye shall not eat of every tree of the garden?

The KJB translators did have more recent translations to refer to, such as William Tyndale’s English version of the Old and New Testaments. Interesting when considering the spirit of state control under which the KJB was produced, Tyndale’s was the one that they drew the most on.

Tyndale was a political/religious refugee, who had fled Henry VIII’s England to avoid state censorship. The Tyndale translation was printed over a period of nine years, from 1525 through to 1534. While citing Tyndale enthusiasts’ estimate that 94% of the KJB comes from Tyndale’s translation, Nicolson points out that these two translations reflect different intents: “[Tyndale] was. . . a straight Lutheran, looking for immediacy and clarity in scripture which would shake off the thick layers of medieval scholasticism and centuries of accumulated ecclesiastical dust. The Jacobean Translators had a different commission: to evolve a scriptural rhetoric which could be both as plain and dignified as Tyndale’s and as rich and resonant as any book in the language” (222). When looking over the history of the KJB, the tension between state and church becomes central to understanding its production and legacy, a point that Nicolson helps modern readers of the KJB understand.

“. . . he was a true poet and of the Devil’s party without knowing it”

So while skulking around IMDB.com the other day, I made a possibly horrific discovery. Currently a film adaptation (I believe the first) is in the pre-production stage for Paradise Lost. With Alex Poyas (The Crow, IRobot, and Knowing) at the helm, this film, as according to the plot blurb, will take a Byronic reading of John Milton’s epic poem, portraying Satan as the much maligned tragic hero. Honestly, though, a dramatic adaptation of PL is not completely absurd; Milton originally conceived of what would become the greatest epic poem in English as a play. The 1667 edition divided the poem into 10 books, suggesting more of a 5 act play structure; it is not until 1674 that the poem appears in 12 books, more in keeping with the classical convention of epic poetry. 

                Readers of PL have argued this perennial question of Milton’s problematic depiction of Satan. As William Blake so beautifully puts the pro-Satan reading, “Milton was of the Devil’s Party without knowing it.” In The Satanic Epic (2003) Neil Forsythe actually takes this reading, which was popular among such Romantic poets as Byron, Keats, and Percy and Mary Shelley, to another level, arguing that Milton fully intended Satan to be the hero of the poem.  (For those fans of Animal House, you’ll recall that Prof. Jennings [Donald Sutherland] suggests this reading to his class of undergrads, before confessing that he finds Milton to be as dull as they do. Blasphemy, I say!)

               The best reading against seeing Milton as writing essentially a satanic epic comes from Stanley Fish’s Surprised by Sin (1967). Essentially Fish’s interpretations boils down to this: the poem lures the reader into admiring Satan only to yank the rug out from under in pointing out that this is only due to the reader’s own sinful state. Or as my friend, Bob Kilker, brilliantly summarized at a party: “The poem has you start to like the character only to say, ‘No, you idiot. He is Satan!’”

                It is a shame, I suppose, this film wasn’t released three years ago, during Milton’s quadricentennial. Yes, the boy of Bread Street, nicknamed the “Lady of Christ’s College” by his classmates at Cambridge, turned 400 years young on December 9, 2008.

The "Onslaw Portrait"

To commemorate his birthday, numerous books were released, offering new perspectives of the poet who claimed to explain the ways of God to man. In anticipation of the quadricentennial, Laura Lunger Knoppers and Greg M. Semenza edited a collection of essays entitled, Milton in Pop Culture (2006). The topics range from examining PL’s influence on horror films to exploring His Dark Materials as a re-imagining of PL.  Let’s face it, though: Milton has a long way to go before catching up to Shakespeare’s currency for pop culture.

                What I have found really interesting in looking back over the scholarly literature that has come out since then is how our generation looks at Milton. Two excellent biographies have been published since 2008, each giving complementing picture of the English Virgil. Anna Beer’s Milton: Poet, Pamphleteer, and Patriot (2008) situates Milton in the turbulent world of London during the English Civil War, Interregnum, and Restoration.  For Beer, Milton was first and foremost a denizen of London. Milton’s life really was contained to a just a few blocks. As Beer points out,

“Back in 1608, [Milton] had been born in Bread Street; his school, St. Paul’s, was his nearest grammar school, just a few yards from his home; even when he returned from the transformational journey to Italy, he only moved to lodgings in St. Bride’s Churchyard, at the other end of Fleet Street, less than a mile from Bread Street. His first children, and his first pamphlets, were produced in Aldersgate Street, north of St. Paul’s, also the home of the Simmonses, the printing family that had been so important to his writing.” (388)

Beer does touch on such issues as Milton’s complicated marriages (he was three times a husband) and his strained relationship with his daughters, Mary, Anne, and Deborah (while Milton essentially cut them out of his will, they did steal their blind father’s books to sell). However, the thrust of Beer’s biography is directed towards contextualizing in the 1640s pamphleteering and his position as propagandist to the Cromwellian government. Beer rightfully remarks that “John Milton almost single-handedly created the identity of the writer as political activist, of writing as a political vocation” (121). Milton found the times apt for his belief in the power of the writer. In 1642, Parliament abolished the Star Chamber, the state body that censored the presses.  For a piece writing to be published, the king had to grant the printer a license to do so. Now that this was no longer the case, London saw a flood of pamphlets, the modern day equivalent of the blog. This was Milton’s moment: he would go on to write pamphlets promoting ideas like divorce based on irreconcilable differences (The Doctrine and Disciple of Divorce [1643]), the moral necessity of the freedom of the press (Areopagtica [1644] ), and the right of the state to execute a monarch (Eikonoklastes [1649]). Eventually on March 20th, 1649, Milton took up the position of Sectary of Foreign Tongues in Cromwell’s regime, his responsibilities being translating the government’s correspondence and defending the government in print.

                In John Milton: A Hero of Our Time (2009), David Hawkes focuses on Milton’s own belief that he was destined for greatness.

 Turning to Milton’s youthful poetry, Hawkes finds a young man essentially writing his own autobiography.  Particularly in “Ad Patrem,” Hawkes argues that the young Milton attempted to convince his father that the investment that he has made in John will return many times over. (At 32 years old, Milton was still shiftless a bit, living in his family’s home and visiting the books sellers at St. Paul’s. By this point, Milton had really only produced one memorable poem “Lycidas,” a eulogy to his dead Cambridge classmate, Edward King, and Comus, a masque performed at Ludlow Castle for the Earl of Bridgewater.) As Hawkes reads the autobiography that Milton constructs for himself, his intellectual legacy – his poems and prose – Milton had already foreseen. While lamenting that fact that “Milton is now read mostly by reluctant undergraduates and studied in detail by their tutors,” Hawkes adroitly demonstrates the relevance that Milton’s writings have for the modern rise of religious fundamentalism and the phenomenon of paperless currency (how money is rapidly losing its materiality and possessing an almost “magical” quality). For one considering delving into Milton’s bio, I would recommend these two biographies: where Beer gives us a Milton who is a product of his time, Hawkes allows Milton to speak to our own.